Saudi Arabia hasn’t always had a problem with the Muslim Brotherhood. The kingdom is an avowedly Islamic state, which accords an unusually strong role to its powerful religious establishment. In the 1950s, Saudi Arabia gave shelter to thousands of Brotherhood activists facing harsh repression in Egypt, Syria, and elsewhere. The Brotherhood soon became entrenched both in Saudi society and in the Saudi state, taking a leading role in key governmental ministries. The Muslim Brotherhood’s influence led to the politicization of Saudi Islam. Saudi Islamist movements, known as the Sahwa, grew in later years, with varying degrees of Muslim Brotherhood influence and ideological views, while maintaining a close, non-conflictual relationship with the Saudi state for at least three decades. One of these Sahwa groups even took the name “the Saudi Muslim Brotherhood,” but it functioned independently from the mother organization and its members did not pledge allegiance to the general guide in Cairo.
Iraq’s invasion of Kuwait and the Saudi role in the U.S.-led war that followed created the first major strain in the relationship. Several Brotherhood branches openly criticized the U.S. military presence in Saudi Arabia called for by King Fahd, while the Sahwa launched its own domestic campaign to demand radical political reforms including several unusually direct open letters to the king. By 1994 to 1995, the regime had crushed this campaign, but continued to harbor a deep resentment toward the Brotherhood, which it held responsible for this unprecedented episode of dissent. In a clear sign that the government saw a direct link between the Brothers and the Sahwa, it took measures to curtail the activities of the Sahwa groups and expelled several prominent exiled Muslim Brotherhood (or Muslim Brotherhood-linked, even if not formally members) figures, such as Sayyid Qutb’s brother Muhammad, who taught at Umm al-Qura university. In 2002, in a rare display of anger against the organization, Prince Nayef bin Abdul Aziz al-Saud, then minister of interior, openly accused the Muslim Brotherhood of being the “source of all evils in the Kingdom.”
The next few years witnessed some form of normalization in the relationship, however. The Sahwa was reintegrated to the Saudi religious and social spheres, in exchange for which Sahwa leaders avoided all criticism of the government. This was not only the result of a more accommodating stance on part of the government. After the death of the most respected figures of the official religious establishment, Sheikhs Ibn Baz and Ibn Uthaymin, the royal family needed the Sahwa as an alternative religious establishment to provide for legitimacy as it waged a campaign against jihadist groups such as al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula. The royal family’s relationship to the Muslim Brotherhood outside the kingdom simultaneously improved, and contacts that had been suspended were re-established.
The Arab Spring challenged that accommodation, as the Sahwa was tempted to seize the opportunity and make a renewed political stand. Several petitions were published in late February 2011: “Towards a state of rights and institutions,” signed by tens of Sahwa figures including Salman al-Awda; and “A call for reform,” signed by Nasir al-Umar and an array of Sahwa clerics. Al-Awda, in particular, has remained critical of the regime ever since, for instance publishing an open letter to King Abdullah in March 2013. None of those Sahwa leaders supported the call for demonstrations in Riyadh on March 11, 2011, the so-called “day of anger” (which never materialized). Religious institutions benefited from the aid package of tens of billions of dollars announced by King Abdullah to preempt those challenges. Nevertheless, by appearing to back a movement of change that was gaining the whole region, the Sahwa had reawakened the fears of the regime.
When Islamist governments came to power in Egypt and Tunisia, the Saudi regime feared that its own Islamists would feel even more emboldened. The situation in Egypt, the biggest Arab country and one that has close human and economic ties to Saudi Arabia, especially unsettled the Saudi regime. Well aware of the necessity to appease the kingdom’s fears and to obtain Saudi Arabia’s support for the Egyptian economy, President Mohamed Morsi chose Saudi Arabia for his first official visit – a very strong symbol. This, however, wasn’t enough to ease Saudi Arabia’s distrust of the Brothers. Morsi’s apparent willingness to build a “constructive relationship” with Iran – he went to Tehran in August 2012, the first visit of an Egyptian president since Anwar Sadat, and invited Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad to Cairo – certainly made things worse. In royal family circles, many seemed convinced that if the Muslim Brotherhood had to choose between Saudi Arabia and Iran, it would choose Iran. All of this led to Saudi Arabia’s support for the coup in Egypt.
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This article was adapted from a memo prepared for the Project on Middle East Political Science and Ca’ Foscari University “Visions of Gulf Security” workshop on March 9, 2014 in Venice, Italy.
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