The Muslim Brotherhood and other Islamist groups emerged into Egypt’s political sphere after the elections and created a sharper dichotomy between democratic groups and Islamists, as Yasmine rightly observes. These Islamist parties operated as anti-democratic, illiberal forces during Egypt’s government transition and the United States certainly should not excuse their actions because they gained power through elections.
The thousands of anti-Morsi protesters who fervently chant many of the same slogans used during the Arab Spring protests in Tahrir Square clearly understand that their action could deeply shape Egypt for years to come. The overwhelming protests even caused the Egyptian president to flee from his presidential palace last week. Indeed, the United States should stand with civil society groups who embrace rule of law, greater inclusiveness, democracy and freedom.
It is truly alarming to know that Morsi, who blatantly defies many of the demands of his people, will dictate the course of his country. Many of the protesters recognize how Morsi caters to his radical Muslim Brotherhood base. Another young protester told the BBC, “You can’t just be a president for a community. You have to be a president for all.”
Morsi’s sweeping constitutional declaration in late November consolidated presidential power, arrogated legislative and judicial authority and removed any accountability for his actions and governance. Morsi’s ruthless move was exactly the type of action that drove many Egyptian youth, Coptic Christians and secular democrats to earlier stand, month after month, in Tahrir Square and call for the removal of the authoritative Mubarak regime last year. But after the historic Arab Spring, Egypt may have a regime even more dictatorial than a second Mubarak.
After vehement public outcry and the resignation of many of Morsi’s own advisers in protest, Morsi finally relinquished some of his power. However, despite the fact that hundreds of thousands of people poured into the streets to oppose the constitutional draft, and protesters have attacked nearly 30 Muslim Brotherhood offices and headquarters, Morsi has still not conceded to the opposition’s main demand to postpone the referendum and renegotiate the draft constitution.
Now, Morsi is pushing for a speedy vote on Saturday to adopt this profoundly dangerous new constitution. Opposition groups argue that the Constitutional Assembly was dominated by Morsi’s extremist allies and that the drafting process lacked transparency. Minority and liberal representatives walked out of many drafting sessions to protest the hard-line tactics and the Islamization of the Constitutional Assembly. Moreover, voting alternates who were sympathetic to the Islamists were brought in during the final constitutional vote after many secular, liberal and minority representatives relinquished their seats on the committee in protest.
Discriminatory articles in the current constitutional draft further underscore the opposition’s arguments and concerns. Many segments of society, including women activists and Egyptian minorities, believe the draft constitution fails to protect them. Article 2 maintains that Sharia, Islamic religious law, is the basis of legislation and Article 4 gives a non-elected, sectarian body — not the Egyptian parliament — arbitration rights to decide how Sharia and current and subsequent legislation should be implemented.
The rights of minorities, women and children are under new threat in Egypt if this constitution passes the referendum. Article 43 severely limits the freedom of religion. Only “heavenly religions,” namely Islam, Judaism and Christianity, are permitted to build houses of worship. The Egyptian Baha’is, for instance, and other groups not recognized as “heavenly religions” would not have the freedom of religion or even the freedom to worship. The structure of Egyptian society could be dramatically transformed: Article 11 empowers the increasingly religious Islamic state to safeguard “ethics” and “morality” — similar to the powers exercised by Saudi Arabia’s religious police. In addition, child marriage in Egypt would now be permitted under Article 70.
Let us stand with the brave protesters who risk their lives to defend fundamental, internationally-recognized rights. If we fail to press Morsi to delay the constitutional referendum and allow for the real national debate that is mandated by Egyptian law, the entire legal framework that holds together equality for all Egyptian society could be undermined. Morsi, in Mubarak-like fashion, is not listening to the calls from his opposition. The United States and the Obama administration in particular need to side with the principles of freedom and democracy and strongly oppose authoritarian rule in Egypt.
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Rep. Trent Franks (R-Ariz.) is chairman of the Constitution Subcommittee, House Judiciary Committee and co-chair of the bipartisan International Religious Freedom Caucus. © 2012 POLITICO LLC.