Mr. Morsi should have postponed the referendum, reconvened a constitutional assembly that was less dominated by his Muslim Brotherhood allies and charged its members with writing an amended charter that would respond to the concerns that his more liberal, secular opponents have with the current draft.
Critics say the constitution leaves too much room for Islamists to dominate, tramples the rights of minorities like Coptic Christians and is weak on women’s rights. There are also concerns that the constitution would give Egypt’s generals much of the power and privilege they had in the Mubarak era, although it would fulfill some demands of the revolution by ending the all-powerful presidency and strengthening Parliament.
Instead, Mr. Morsi stubbornly sped up the referendum. The well-organized Muslim Brotherhood likely will muster enough votes to pass the constitution, with a second day of voting to be held on Dec. 22. But the opposition is urging Egyptians to vote no, and many judges, in protest against Mr. Morsi, have refused to perform their crucial roles in monitoring the balloting. A substantial no vote could weaken Mr. Morsi and undercut the constitution’s legitimacy. It would also send a message that Egyptians are paying attention to what their leaders are doing.
To appease the opposition after deadly street protests last week, Mr. Morsi offered to negotiate amendments to the constitution that would be approved by a Parliament to be elected early next year. This deeply flawed idea has been rightly rejected by the opposition. Any changes should be part of the draft submitted to public vote, not dependent on future action by a future Parliament.
The turmoil of the past month has reinforced fears that Mr. Morsi is inclined to be an autocrat like his predecessor, Hosni Mubarak. On Thursday, a prosecutor in Cairo accused some of Mr. Morsi’s aides of trying to coerce opponents into confessing that they had taken money to commit violence.
Mr. Morsi’s dictatorial actions have forced secular and liberal groups, which have been largely divided and ineffective, to unify as the National Salvation Front in opposition to him. The real test is whether they can stay united and develop a strategy that will make them a credible political force, able to steer Egypt on a democratic course.
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The New York Times, editorial