Christians are being eradicated from the Middle East. Given the extreme gravity of the situation, we wish to make a strong gesture. We currently hold the presidency of the Security Council and have decided to convene a meeting on this issue. This is a first. I hope the Charter of Action we intend to propose will make a useful contribution.
- Do you see your initiative as part of the tradition of France as the protector of Christians in the Middle East, which dates back to St Louis (13th century King Louis IX of France)?
Absolutely. That tradition is part of our history, our identity, and the history and identity of the Middle East.
- Régis Debray (French writer and academic) has described the Middle Eastern Christians as "too Christian to interest the left and too foreign to interest the right". Has France – and the French left in particular –been slow to respond to the plight of Christians in the region?
As I said, the protection of Christians in the Middle East is part of France’s history, which bridges the political divide. It is my intention for us to remain faithful to that tradition. By convening the Security Council and calling on the international community to act, France is defending a just cause.
- What will you be proposing today?
It will be along the lines of a charter, comprising four aspects. The Secretary-General, Ban Ki-moon, is paying close attention to this matter. The first aspect is humanitarian and covers not only displaced persons and refugees but also their return. To enable those who have fled to return – and this is the second aspect of our proposal – the coalition, Iraqi forces and others must be able to ensure the safety of the persecuted minorities.
- And the last two aspects?
There is a political aspect, of course. The governments of Iraq and in Syria must give each of the communities that make up their nations due recognition. That is our aim in Iraq, where the new prime minister, Haider al-Abadi, must make a decisive break from the partiality of his predecessor by implementing genuinely inclusive actions. The last aspect is the fight against impunity: we want the Security Council to refer the crimes that have been committed to the ICC.
- You have mainly spoken about Iraq. What about Syria?
We sometimes hear of Syria that "Daesh is even worse than Assad, so we must support Assad to get rid of Daesh". In fact, Daesh and Assad are two sides of the same coin. As much as we favour a political solution in Syria that involves elements of the regime and the opposition – and we are working towards this – we think that supporting Assad as Syria’s future would be both a moral and a practical mistake, because it would drive everyone he has persecuted into the arms of Daesh.
- Isn’t the United States changing its position on Assad?
The Secretary of State, John Kerry, has assured me that this is not the case. Let us not forget that the United Nations Secretary-General considers Assad to be guilty of crimes against humanity, and that Assad repressed the first peaceful demonstrations of his people with such brutality that he created the conditions for a war in Syria, which has since claimed 220,000 lives. There is also documented torture by his regime. And chemical weapons did not fall out of the sky spontaneously. Unfortunately, the list of his crimes does not end there.
- You envisage a return of the Christians, but at the same time France’s Minister of the Interior, Bernard Cazeneuve, has granted 1,500 visas to Middle Eastern Christians. Isn’t there a contradiction here?
No. We have a duty to offer refuge, within our means, to those who have ties to France and who wish to leave the Middle East because they have suffered intolerably and have no other option. For some it will be very difficult to go back. But a majority want to return home or will want to in the future. There are also those who want to stay. We must help them.
- Daesh professes a Wahhabi strain of Islam. How can France help Christians in the Middle East when it is an ally of Saudi Arabia, which has propagated Wahhabism around the world?
I am not going to engage in a theological debate. What I do know is that the Saudis are wholeheartedly committed to fighting Daesh. The practical conclusion I draw from this is that the battle against Daesh must also be led by Muslim authorities, both civil and religious.
- Shouldn’t you demand more clarity from your Wahhabi partners?
Obviously, we must be clear on financing, networks and support. Our common enemy is Daesh, an ultra-sectarian group that wants to impose its way of life and thinking through terror.
- Can Iran play a role in stabilising the region?
We are involved in nuclear talks with Iran. Iran is of course entitled to civilian nuclear power. But allowing Iran to obtain nuclear weapons would open the gates to nuclear proliferation in the region, which would be extremely dangerous. Iran is already a key player in the region: in Lebanon through Hezbollah, in Syria by providing military support, in Iraq, and now in Yemen. We want this great country to be a power for peace. But it must renounce nuclear weapons, as it says it is willing to do.
- Should France commit ground troops?
The past decades have shown us that military solutions imposed from the outside do not work. Moreover, France cannot intervene everywhere; that is not our policy. Our constant objective is security and peace.
- To what do you attribute the absence of the European Union from this issue?
In diplomatic language, I would say that the European Union has room to improve on this issue. In plainer language, sometimes the Union is just too timid. Is France isolated? I think we are actually showing the way.
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The victims of attacks and abuses on ethnic or religious ground in the Middle East – Statement by Mr Laurent Fabius, Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Development – ministerial-level UNSC debate – 27 March 2015
Secretary-General,
High Commissioner,
Ministers and high representatives,
Ladies and gentlemen,
Make no mistake: in the Middle East, we are facing a systematic, barbaric process of ethnic and religious eradication.
The majority of the jihadi terrorists’ victims are Muslim, but non-Muslim communities are priority targets. They embody the diversity that Daesh wants to eliminate. Christians, Yazidis, Turkmens, Kurds, Shabaks – all are threatened with what I will call the triangle of horror: forced exile, enslavement, or death.
France has strong historic ties with the Middle East, and especially Eastern Christians, and a long tradition protecting minorities which is an integral part of France. We intend to remain faithful to it.
In Iraq, ever since the capture of Mosul last summer, Christian men, women and children have been hunted down. In Syria, everyone knows the situation is tragic: nearly 220 Assyrian Christians have been kidnapped by Daesh in the northern region of Al-Hasakah. This persecution spreads far beyond the borders of the Middle East: in Libya last month, 21 Egyptian Copts were beheaded, and the criminals are now seeking to spread their strongholds of terror.
I have focused on Christians, but Daesh attacks all minorities with the same inhumanity. I am thinking in particular of the Yazidis besieged on Mount Sinjar, or the Kurds targeted in Kobane.
The group’s barbarism strikes even the historical remains that symbolize diversity, what the High-Commissioner for Human Rights called “the mosaic”: the terrorists have sacked the museum of Mosul and attacked the ancient Assyrian city of Nimrud and the Parthian city of Hatra. Not content with erasing the present, they want to physically destroy all its roots. They would like history to exist neither before them nor without them. There is truly a danger that minorities will disappear entirely.
Ladies and gentlemen, we are the international community; we must no longer be collectively a sort of powerless power.
That is why I would like to send two messages from this platform: solidarity with the persecuted and determination to fight the terrorists, whom the UN Secretary-General called an abomination. We must show the minorities of the Middle East that we are standing beside them and beside the states that respect diversity. And to the terrorists of Daesh, that we will fight them tirelessly and defeat them.
Over the past few months, the world has tried to respond to the humanitarian emergency to save these minorities from death. These efforts of course remain crucial, but we all see they are not enough. The minorities are not asking for favours; they are asserting their rights. Our focus must be the return of displaced minorities to the lands from which they have been driven. To this end, every possible means must be used.
Firstly, of course, humanitarian support. The situation – as has clearly been shown – is absolutely disastrous. Our collective efforts must enable exiled minorities to return to their homes in security and dignity. The United Nations agencies, especially the Office of the High Commissioner for Refugees, are playing an outstanding and major role: in our view, they must reorientate their action accordingly. Member states need to increase their financial support, which is absolutely needed. In concrete terms, we would like a specific fund to be set up to assist returning refugees, which could be used to rebuild homes and places of worship, for example.
Military action, too, must also be included in the same approach. As Daesh withdraws, we must enable minorities to return to the areas that they have had to leave. This means that troops currently mobilized on the ground need to ensure their security – for without security, they cannot return. In areas not yet liberated, we would like the coalition, in liaison with both the Iraqi authorities and the moderate Syrian opposition, to incorporate into its strategy the need for migrants to return: as well as combating the jihadists, protecting minorities in Iraq and Syria must become a primary goal of military action by the coalition and local forces.
I want to reaffirm my country’s commitment to combating impunity. We call on those states in the region which have not done so to accede to the Rome Statute to enable the International Criminal Court to try the perpetrators of these crimes. We consider – even if it poses legal problems – that given the irreversible destruction that has been committed, cultural genocide should be included in the scope of crimes against humanity. And perpetrators of war crimes and crimes against humanity must be prosecuted, including Daesh terrorists. We believe it is essential that the Security Council refer cases to the International Criminal Court.
Finally, we all know that an overall political solution is needed to achieve the lasting and peaceful re-assimilation of minorities. That is why the international community must support the consolidation of states that do not defend just a single community, but rather guarantee the coexistence of all sectors of society. Because sectarianism, as we’ve clearly said, breeds extremism. Only such “inclusive” states, which protect diversity and guarantee full citizenship for all, are actually capable of restoring the confidence of their people, especially minorities. An inclusive approach to minorities is crucial in order to resolve crises.
I shall take three examples:
In Iraq, in order to respond to the terrorists, the unifying and reconciliation process initiated by Prime Minister al-Abadi must be extended further, because it is essential for a united, stable and peaceful Iraq.
In Syria, the issue of minorities is unfortunately exploited by a power that manipulates the jihadist threat to style itself as a bulwark against terrorism, when in fact it largely triggered and has been complicit in it. Once again, only an inclusive political solution with elements of the regime and the opposition, one protecting the various communities and leading to a genuine democratic transition, can ensure each and every one’s rights for the future.
In Lebanon, the model of coexistence between communities established by the Constitution, the National Pact and the Taif Agreement has been weakened by the current institutional paralysis. We call upon the Lebanese people to elect in the shortest time possible a president who will guarantee the continuity of that model.
I know that comparisons are odious, [but] like you, I remember Yugoslavia: the break-up of the state that protected minorities led to a renewed surge in violence against them. Today, on behalf of my country, I suggest and request that the Secretary-General of the United Nations present to the Security Council an action charter to address the situation of minorities in the Middle East. The international community needs a detailed road map in order to implement its response.
This charter could be structured around the four components I have just mentioned and which tie in with the points discussed by the previous speakers. Firstly, humanitarian support: United Nations agencies, especially UNHCR, must gear their efforts even more towards the return of minorities. Secondly, concerning military action: the return of minorities and making things safe for them must be incorporated into the strategy of the coalition and local forces. Thirdly, in combating impunity: the perpetrators of war crimes and crimes against humanity must be tried by the International Criminal Court. Lastly, at political level: we must strengthen the unifying policy in Iraq and promote an inclusive political transition in Syria, and more generally – I’m thinking of Libya, Yemen and elsewhere – campaign for governments and decisions taken by the state which are inclusive.
I want to warmly welcome the announcement by the Secretary-General on the creation of a Panel of Eminent Persons to look into this crucial issue. I propose that, if they are willing, their priority task be to draw up this action charter. France is prepared to host an international conference which would be devoted to presenting the Panel’s conclusions.
Ladies and gentlemen,
The general public, by that I mean ordinary citizens, is wondering how so many countries gathered here together, who call themselves the “United Nations”, have so far been unable to confront the danger of terrorism and eradicate it. These citizens are right. The meeting of our Council will prove useful if it is not simply a warning cry, but also a specific call for action. Action centred on a single goal: preserving the age-old diversity of this whole region and enabling the lasting, safe return of persecuted minorities to their own lands.
That is the appeal, one of gravity and hope, that I want to make on behalf of France.
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